Business communication Essay Example for Free

Business communication Essay SNC-Lavalin is one of the largest engineering companies in Canada, and one of the largest all around the world, however, failed to effectually communicate and face communication problem. This analysis report contains communication problems and influences on company. Additional information related to causes and symptoms of communication problem. Likewise, communicate with stakeholder groups result in concerns, and SNC-Lavalin use different communication model to deal with each group. The main communication problem is bypassing and different frames of reference. In communication process, bypassing can result in miscommunication, because the CEO and employee do not have the same symbolic meanings and bring own biases in any communication. Due to the longer lines of communication between CEO and employee, the message could be distorted. This problem impact on company fund missing and mystery payment, also, SNC-Lavalin’s stock decline a lot. The reason of problem happens because lack trust, lack communication skills competition for status and rewards. It is easy to cause communication problem if no trust between communicationï ¼Å'through the long over time, the mistakes will become seriously and many mistakes are due to lack communication skills. Meanwhile, personal status and rewards will cause bypassing, lack organization concept, to the extent that different people pay more attention on their own profit rather than the common goal. SNC-Lavalin shows several symptoms due to communication problem. First, agents help company win a contract by paid bribes, but can’t follow the appropriate routines. Second, after $56 million dollars missing, Gwyn Morgan, the company chairman, denied that there is no responsibility for  superior officers, and resign suddenly after stated. Third, Cynthia Vanier help Muammar Gaddafi’s son smuggle and do illegal trading, as well as denied the charge. Employees and shareholders are the key stakeholder groups, however, different group has different concern. To specific, employees concern about their job and incomeï ¼Å'because it is close related to employees’ life quality. Meanwhile, shareholders concern about their profit, because it means stock rights will be influenced, in other word, shareholders profit could losing. SNC-Lavalin follows the communication models with each stakeholder group. As for communicate with employees; the first step is having idea. After organize idea, use encode like transfer language and write down or typewriting. After that, delivered by announcement or email. In order to overcome misunderstanding, improve the flow of message in company. Sign on the paper one by one after employees receive, if have problem mark it clearly. SNC-Lavalin have to give an effectively communication to shareholders. When idea formation by SNC-Lavalin, convert an idea into words that include meaning. It is necessary for general meeting of shareholders every year, in the meeting; shareholders understand the meaning stand for decodes the message successfully. Finally, ask question come up with feedback, and descriptive is the best choice. In conclusion, it is important for SNC-Lavalin communication effectively. This case analysis points out the main communication problem refer to SNC-Lavalin, at the same time, detail analysis about influence on company, moreover, discuss reason and manifestation about communication problem. After that, analyze the two key stakeholder groups, and each of them has different concern. Last but not least, SNC-Lavalin use communication model to deal the relationship with each stakeholder group.

To Live Through the World of Imagination :: essays research papers

In literature, there are various works that aid children in their developmental progression of life. Children experience stages throughout their development that lead them to the discovery of not only their own needs, but the needs of others too. Many people do not realize the extent of which stories shape the way we think. Stories are particularly effective in influencing the way children think and behave, because they like to hear or read them over and over again. The repetition of these stories combined with a child's imagination makes telling a story one of the best ways to influence their thinking. Two works that indirectly influence a child's way of thinking are Winnie the Pooh by A.A Milne, and Charlotte's Web by E.B White. Each of these books deals with situations involving parent-child relationships, peer group dynamics, and social interactions. Both of these literary works have a major impact on young readers, and each one takes a unique approach in aiding young readers throughout their developing stages.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Winnie the Pooh is a collection of stories that deals with the concerns and needs of a growing boy, who is trying to understand how the world and the people in it work. The little boy's name is Christopher Robin. Christopher's father tells his son the stories of Pooh's adventures and interactions with others. In order to truly understand the meaning of this story, one must realize that Winnie the Pooh represents one of the many personalities of Christopher Robin. Just as Piglet, Rabbit, Kanga, Roo, Eeyore, and Owl are also alter egos of him. Each of these characters represents a different feeling or emotion of Christopher Robin, and all of them are designed by the author to fit a certain personality trait that a child can relate to.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Charlotte's Web is the story of a young girl who is in the midst of discovering herself and learning how to be less selfish. Fern is the name of the young girl, and Wilbur is her pig. In this story, Ferns alter ego is Wilbur as well as the Barnyard animals. They represent Fern's inner thoughts and concerns. As in Winnie the Pooh, the characters in Charlotte's Web were also created in such a way that a child could easily relate. Wilbur's actions and thoughts represent Fern's uncontrollable desire to experience something new and invigorating. Fern's concerns are more mature than those of Christopher Robin.

What is the history of UK tobacco taxation policy, what are the outcomes from the past to date?

Introduction The tobacco epidemic is one of the biggest public health threats the world has ever faced (WHO). Research has shown that there are 1.1 billion smokers in the world today and if this current number continues to rise at the current rate, then that number is expected to rise to 1.6 billion by the year 2025 (WHO). Tobacco smoke is harmful to smokers and harms nearly every organ of the body, diminishing a person`s overall health. Millions of people have health problems caused by smoking tobacco and it is a leading cause of cancer causing cancers of the lung, larynx, mouth, pancreas, stomach, as well as acute myeloid leukemia and cardiovascular diseases. Around the world smoking causes not only diseases and disability, it kills enormous numbers of people. As research has shown tobacco is responsible for approximately 443,000 deaths – one in every five deaths – each year in the United States (U.S DoH, 2010)In the United Kingdom, it is responsible for more than 120,000 deaths a year, more than all other drugs combined (Peto et al., 1994). Treating smoking related diseases costs the National Health Service in excess of ?1.5 thousand million a year. Furthermore, a report by the Policy Exchange in 2010 estimated the total cost to society of the smoking to be ?13.74 billion (bn); ?2.7bn includes cost to the NHS but also the loss in productivity from smoking breaks (?2.9 bn) and increased absenteeism (?2.5bn). As the Policy Exchange estimated, costs also include: the cost of fires (?507m), the loss of economic output from the death of smokers (?4.1bn) and passive smokers (?713m) In the 2011-12 financial year, the Government spent ?88.2 million on the stop smoking services in the United Kingdom alone plus additional ?66.4 million on medicinal aids.The rise of tobacco taxation The United Kingdom Government already intervenes in many ways to prevent, minimize the consequences of the harms caused by smoking. In an effort to reduce the number of smoking-related deaths, the Department of Health has introduced a number of measures including media and education campaigns about the dangers and harms of tobacco smoke, stop-smoking and nicotine replacement therapies – available through the NHS service, a comprehensive ban on tobacco advertising and promotion and regulation of the contents and labeling of tobacco products. However, since evidence shows that price increases have a major effect on decreasing both smoking prevalence and consumption above all other tried and tested measure, increasing the price has therefore become the main tool in the policy of the United Kingdom to reduce smoking (BMA, 2010). Cigarettes, which are the most popular of all tobacco products in England, are now sold at historically exorbitant prices. In order to understand how the prices of tobacco products have become so high, it is therefore necessary to first gain an overview of the history of the tobacco tax and its development. Somewhat surprisingly, the United Kingdom has a very long history of tobacco taxation policy. Excise tax on tobacco was first introduced only one century after tobacco first was introduced into the United Kingdom in 1660 – although the present framework of the specific and ad valorem excise duty on cigarettes was introduced in 1976 in order to ease tax harmonization within the EEC. However, it was then not until the past two decades that tobacco taxation really became the main tool and policy in fighting the ills of smoking on society.From November 1993 to November 1999 there was a clear commitment made by the government to increase tobacco duties annually in real terms, in itially by at least 3% on average per annum. This was carried out diligently for a while until in July 1997 the Labour Government announced it would raise cigarette taxes by at least 5% above the rate of inflation each year. This new commitment was carried through in both the 1998 and 1999 budgets, but in November 1999 the Chancellor abandoned this policy. Instead, it was announced that extra revenue raised from future tobacco tax rises would be spent on health care of Great Britain. Thus, from 2001 until 2008 tobacco taxes rose only in line with inflation. However, in 2009, tobacco duties were increased again by 2% on the basis of a deflationary forecast in the Retail Price Index of – 3%, therefore representing increase an on 5% in real terms (HM Treasury, 2009) The Chancellor then announced in 2010, that tobacco duty would rise by 1% above inflation for the current year. Furthermore, a commitment was made to rising tobacco duty by 2% above inflation from 2011 to 2014. Th is was implemented by the current new Conservative-led coalition Government in the 2011 Budget. Moreover, legislation was introduced in the Finance Act 2012 to increase the duty rates for all tobacco products by 5% above the rate of inflation (based on RPI) from the 21st March 2012. This added 37 pence to the price of 20 cigarettes, 12 pence to the price of pack of five small cigars, 37 pence to the price of a 25g pouch of hand-rolling tobacco, and 20 pence to the price of a 25g pouch of a pipe tobacco (HM Treasury, 2012). Thus one can perceive that although it is not a consistent implementation of policy, there is a growing severity in the percentage of tax. Against the effects of increased taxation the tobacco industry, however, has been fighting back by keeping the price of its cheapest cigarettes almost static despite various increases in tobacco taxes. This therefore has had an effect in limiting the effectiveness of the United Kingdom’s public health policy to reduce s moking through higher prices (Bath University Tobacco Control Research Group).As a result, the price of cheaper cigarettes has remained almost unchanged since 2006 and their market share has doubled compared to expensive premium cigarettes. This therefore suggests that as cigarette taxes are raised, many smokers will down trade to cheaper cigarettes and just carry on smoking.Criticisms of the tobacco taxSince the Government started launching a full-scale attack on the tobacco industry, a lot has been written about the Tobacco taxation policy. A number of studies have shown that taxes can indeed be significant in reducing smoking. By way of example, John A. Bishop and Jang H. Yoo (1985) determined that the consumption of cigarettes is significantly affected by taxes that are levied on the tobacco products. The tax, they found, had more of an effect on consumption than did any other interventions previously implemented. Additionally, W. Kip Viscusi (1990) found that excise taxes disco urage smoking by serving as a monetary cost for the risks associated with smoking. From this it can be perceived that raising tobacco prices are therefore one of the most effective means of reducing tobacco use, especially among price-sensitive smokers such as younger member of society and people with low incomes. The specific question of whether the youth are more or less responsive to prices than adults, has been examined in a number of studies using individual-level data (Lewit, et al., 1981; Lewit and Coate, 1982; Grossman et al., 1983; Wasserman et al., 1991; Chaloupka and Grossman, 1996; Farrelly, et al., 1998, and Tauras and Chaloupka, 1998). However, findings from those studies are mixed. The earlier studies on this issue (Lewit, et al., 1981; Lewit and Coate, 1982; and Grossman et al., 1983) found that the youth are more sensitive to prices than are adults; however, they are far more likely to smoke. Interestingly, a recent study in the United Kingdom found that smoking cessation before middle age avoids more that 90% of the lung cancer mortality risk attr ibutable to tobacco which may affect the younger members of society’s views on the risks associated with it and may lessen the health warnings (Peto et al, 2000). It can also be seen that studies from high-income countries are consistent with those from low and middle-income countries, in that they both find strong and consistent evidence that increases in the prices of tobacco products lead to the significant reductions in cigarette smoking regardless of location or the country’s wealth. However, a number of other arguments have been raised for tobacco taxation policy and need to be considered. To elucidate, there are a number of political, economic, and social arguments that have long been used as arguments against significant tax increases in tobacco taxes. It has been argued by critics that higher tobacco taxes will lead to increased smuggling and other related criminal activity such as black market cigarettes sold without tax, or even encourage fake cigarettes than can be even worse for health. A second common objection to tobacco tax increases is that they will usually fall disproportionately on the poor who have less expendable income to indulge such habits compared to wealthy individuals who will not notice the increase so much. Growing amounts of literature suggest that tobacco tax increases might be progressive (Gabe, 2009). As discussed above, several studies have concluded that people who live on a lower income are more responsive to changes in cigarettes prices than higher income persons, implying that high taxes reduce smoking by more in lower income groups. A final major argument that is often employed in the debate over increased cigarettes taxes is that these tax increases would lead to reductions in employment. As HM Reve nue and Customs has estimated, in the United Kingdom the tobacco industry employs around 17,000 people in direct manufacture in the tobacco trade alone (HM Revenue & Customs, 2010). As shown, the significant consideration on the current literature on tobacco has been the critical analysis of Tobacco taxation policy, but there has been shown to be little to answer the question about the actual stakeholders involved in the policy itself and what determines their actual positions and interest. Therefore, to shed some valuable light on this, the stakeholder analysis will be used in this essay. Moreover, the value creation framework will also be used in order to understand the hypothesized causal chain of how political policy can exert influence on tobacco use behavior. Finally, available empirical data provided by HM Revenue and Customs will be used to base the judgments on both quantitative and qualities data. Identifying the stakeholders of Tobacco taxation policyTobacco control strategist’s need finely honed analytical skills in order to identify all the stakeholders involved in tobacco taxation policy and to determine their positions through research and interviews of each stakeholder. In addition, they will also need to assess each stakeholder`s relative power and influence over other stakeholders. On the basis of this analysis, strategists from tobacco control must therefore facilitate an alliance between the supportive and the neutral groups by accentuating common interests and goals, emphasizing the shared benefits of a tobacco tax increase. Chevalier identifies three key attributes to be examined in a stakeholder analysis. 1. Power (authoritative, command and control and legislative power) 2. Legitimacy (righteousness, impartiality or technical credibility)3. Sense of urgency or interests with regard to the subject matter. This will therefore be utilized in the examination of the different types of stakeholders this essay will identify. Figure 1. Stakeholder typology. Source: Mitchell et.al. (1997) The possible combination of the attributes in Figure 1 above explains the different types of stakeholders in their main groups. In sum, definitive stakeholders possess all three of the attributes mentioned by Chevalier. Dependent stakeholders, however, they have keen interests and legitimacy but no power. Contrastingly, dominant stakeholders have power and legitimacy but have no urgency or interest. Dangerous stakeholders on the other hand have power and a keen interest but not legitimacy. Moreover, dangerous stakeholders do not possess the technical expertise and wisdom and as such could do more harm than good in the attempt to increase tobacco taxes. Figure 1. helps us to understand which of the stakeholders are likely to support, and which are likely to oppose an increase in excise tax for tobacco products. I shall now explain and elucidate the major four groups that appear from these six types:Group 1: Bureaucrats 1. Excise Department within the Treasury. 2.National Tobacco Control office and Ministry of Health. 3.Local governments. The first of this group, the Excise Department, is within the Ministry of Finance and is usually interested in revenue generation and thus supports the tobacco tax increases. The Customs Department Officers and their policy, however, can also overvalue the effect of tobacco tax rise on smuggling. Unless they are brought on board through incentive schemes and advocacy, they may be against tax increases. However, if confiscation incentives are attractive then they may also support tax rises on tobacco and tobacco related products. The Fiscal Policy Office and the Bureau of Budget might have a more conservative view about tax increases in general, but they would be likely to support an increase of taxes on tobacco products. The Ministry of Health and National Tobacco control office are usually strongly supportive of decreasing tobacco product consumption through economic and non-price measures. They are the most legitimate with keen interests but no power in law. They therefore have to form an alliance with the Excise Department and other stakeholders to ensure the adoption of a tax increase on tobacco products. Local Governments also generally supports an excise tax because it usually means more revenue for local government units.Group 2: Tobacco Industry. 1.Local manufacturers. 2.Tobacco industry 3.Importers (the proxies of the transitional tobacco industry) 4.Tobacco growers group and association, local tobacco growing industry. As evidence shows, as it is perhaps be expected, the Tobacco Industry resists any and all tobacco tax increases, because this results in a lower profit margin for its stakeholders. The Tobacco Industry`s own documents they disseminate prove that the industry can resort to dishonorable tactics to persuade governments to maintain the lowest possible retail price for tobacco products. For example, when ad valorem taxes are used, manufacturers have been known to sell cigarettes to a related marketing company at an artificial low price, therefore reducing their tax liability. In the case of absence of good governance the tobacco industry may provide direct and indirect incentives to government official to block or even delay actions to raise tobacco excise taxes. In this situation the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) is critical as an NGO can bring unethical practices to the attention of the public; they are also able to apply pressure on government officials to remain accoun table to the population.Group 3: NGO and media 1.Community-based organizations 2.Civic organizations 3.Media 4.Other special interests groups. The NGO community can be characterized as a very demanding stakeholder, because they have a strong interest in protecting health against tobacco; therefore, NGOs will support tax increase measures. When, they are equipped with knowledge on the subject matter, they become legitimate dependent stakeholders. Thus, the crucial role of NGOs acting a society`s â€Å"watch dogs†. The media`s role is from a different angle and is to inform the public about the issues surrounding the debate on tobacco taxes, its increases and decreases. Accordingly, the media can have a huge influence on tobacco awareness and taxation as the media can shape and influence public opinion. Media that is accurately briefed on the benefits of tax increases to reduce tobacco consumption can, however, be transformed into legitimate stakeholders who support increasing the tobacco taxes. Although it should not be forgotten that the tobacco industry also had the ability to apply pressure on the media, through d irect bribes or the threat of withholding advertising revenue, in order to discredit the value of tobacco tax increases. So they therefore are a group that could go both ways.Group 4: Academia and professional associations.1.Economists. 2.Physician`s groups. 3.Health associations (Cancer society, heart associations etc.) 4.Other health professionals group. The academic community and the professional community are to be considered as dependent stakeholders. They have both legitimacy and an interest in the subject matter but no decision making power. However, this category of stakeholders can play significant role as credible experts in validating the evidence provided to the media and the general public. Applying the value creation framework. The value creation framework was developed by International Tobacco Control (2006) in order to measure the impacts of tobacco control policy. Figure 2. This is a conceptual model illustrating a hypothesized casual chain of how policy exerts influence on tobacco use behavior. The conceptual model (figure 2) assumes that policy ultimately has an influence on behavior through a specific casual chain of psychological events as can be seen in the diagram. It is a general framework for thinking about policy and its effects on a broad array of important psychosocial and behavioral variables, and for testing how policy distinctions relate to their effectiveness.From the framework it can be seen that policy potentially affects individuals due to a variety of psychosocial and behavioral variables, of which there are two classes. 1. The most immediate effects are those on the policy-specific variables – that is, price which affects perceived costs of cigarettes. This is the price of tobacco products, which has increased since policy-makers started interventions to date. 2. Psychosocial mediators, which are conceptually distant from the policy and which theorized to be affected by multiple means, not just policies. These are variables such as self-efficacy and intentions, beliefs and attitudes, which come from well-known psychosocial models of health behavior. Accordingly, tobacco taxation is effective in a two-fold way: Policy-specific variables such as the price of cigarettes affect smoking habits as psychological mediators that affect psychological smoking habits themselves. The evaluation of the control policies used for combating tobacco at the population level is still in its fundamental stages of development, accordingly, studies conducted on the effectiveness of policies to control tobacco intake are hindered by the same limitations. Cross-sectional studies are lacking in validity as they are poor in their ability to contribute attributions – although longitudinal studies are naturally greater in internal validity. Sadly the limited number of such research into tobacco policy means there is a general lack of comparison available for analysis. Evaluation of tobacco smoking control policy data should come to fruition further once time has followed its natural course and there is more material to draw on from the new data that is currently emerging. Accordingly, it should indeed be not too long until a true evaluation analysis can be done so the theory can be analyzed properly. It is put forward that the positive accelerating trajectory of the use of tobacco and its effects in the 21st century signifies a foremost threat to global health, that requires a mobilisation and alignment of ‘researchers, advocates, and governments toward meeting the threat’ (Fong, 2006). By way of demonstration the International Tobacco Control Policy Evaluation Project (the ITC Project) describes the challenges of evaluating the national-level policies of the tobacco taxation illustrating the application of the conceptual model in measuring policy effects on tobacco use behaviours and the psychosocial precursors of such behaviours. In so doing it was found that the tobacco taxation signifies an extraordinary landmark in global tobacco control over use and its terrors, however the path from the promise of effective tobacco control policies to the actual reality of strong implementation of tobacco taxation policies was not found to be easy.The ITC project found many countries have not yet ratified tobacco taxation policies, and in many countries that have, there is still residual pressure either to delay the implementation or to implement policies in ways that will render them less effective than their potential. The mission of the ITC Project was to conduct evaluation of such policies to establish the evidence base that will give policymakers throughout the world the evidence that will allow adoption of tobacco taxation policies in countries that have not yet ratified such methods, and also to provide for and encourage a strong implementation in those countries that have ratified. Conclusion It has been shown that tobacco has a long history of taxation in this country that has snowballed in severity over the last half decade. It has also been shown there are a number of different vital stakeholders that contribute to the molding of taxation policy. If the conceptual model is indeed correct, higher taxation will continue to reduce smoking substantially. However, as has been highlighted in the criticisms against the taxation policy, there are possible groups who will still continue to smoke regardless and it is indeed more likely that it is lower income groups who will be hit the hardest. Moreover, as smoking is an addiction, it is possible the dedicated and truly addicted lower income smokers will continue and merely resort to other means of paying for their tobacco fix. Regardless of the semantics of how this policy will finally play out, it is clear that the UK is committed to increasing tobacco taxes and as it continues to increase taxation numbers of smokers will cont inue to drop. This essay does, however, concede that the policy may plateau at some point wherein smoking is enjoyed by a dedicated minority and the increase in taxes can no longer be justified any further. References Baggott, R. (2004). Health and Health Care in Britain. 3rd Edition, London: Palgrave Macmillan. Baggott, R. (2007). Understanding Health Policy. Policy Press. Boyle, S. (2011). United Kingdom (England): Health system review (Health Systems in Transition). At http://www.euro.who.int/en/home/projects/observatory/publications. Crinson, I. (2009). Health Policy: A Critical Perspective. London: Sage. Chaloupka FJ, Hu TW, Warner KE, et al. The taxation of tobacco products. In: Jha P, Chaloupka F, eds. Tobacco control in developing countries. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc, 2001:237–72. Borland, R. Tobacco health warnings and smoking-related cognitions and behaviours. Addiction 1997;92:1427–35. Borland R, Hill D. Initial impact of the new Australian tobacco health warnings on knowledge and beliefs. Tob Control 1997;6:317–25. The COMMIT Research Group. Community Intervention Trial for Smoking Cessation (COMMIT): I. Cohort results from a four-year community intervention. Am J Public Health 1995; 85:183–92. Hyland A, Li Q, Bauer JE, et al. Effect of state and community tobacco control programs on smoking cessation rates in adult smokers. Am J Health Prom 2005;29:85–90. Wakefield M, Chaloupka F. Effectiveness of comprehensive tobacco control programmes in reducing teenage smoking in the USA. Tob Control 2000; 9:177–86. Farrelly MC, Pechacek TF, Chaloupka FJ. The impact of tobacco control program expenditures on aggregate cigarette sales: 1981–2000. J Health Econ 2003;22:843–9. Darzi, L. (2008). High Quality care for all: NHS Next Stage Review final report. CM 7432. London: Department of Health Gabe, J. & Calnan, M. (eds.) (2009). The New Sociology of the Health Service. London: Routledge. Ham, C. (2009). Health Policy in Britain. 6th Edition. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Hunter, D.J. (2008). The Health Debate, Bristol: Policy Press. King’s Fund (2005). An Independent Audit of the NHS under Labour (1997–2005). London: King’s Fund. Klein, R. (2010). The New Politics of the NHS: From Creation to Reinvention. 6th Edition. Abingdon: Radcliffe Publishing. Mahon, A., Walshe, K. & Chambers, N. (2009). (eds.) A Reader in Health Policy and Management. Maidenhead: Open University Press. Marmot, M. et al. (2010). Fair Society, Healthy Lives (The Marmot Review). At http://www.instituteofhealthequity.org. Pollock, A. M. (2009). NHS Plc: The Privatisation of Our Health Care. 3rd Edition. Verso Books. Pollock, A. M. & Talbot-Smith, A (2006). The New NHS: A Guide: A Guide to Its Funding, Organisation and Accountability. London: Routledge.

Biography of Jonas Salk Inventor of the Polio Vaccine

Jonas Salk (October 28, 1914 – October 28, 1995) was an American medical researcher and physician. While serving as the head of the Virus Research Lab at the University of Pittsburgh, Salk discovered and perfected the first vaccine found to be safe and effective in preventing polio or infantile paralysis, one of the most-feared and crippling diseases of the early 20th century. Fast Facts: Jonas Salk Occupation: Medical researcher and physicianKnown For: Developed first successful polio vaccineBorn: October 28, 1914 in New York City, New YorkDied: June 23, 1995 in La Jolla, CaliforniaEducation: City College of New York, B.S., 1934; New York University, M.D., 1939Notable Awards: Presidential Citation (1955); Congressional Gold Medal (1975); Presidential Medal of Freedom (1977)Spouse(s): Donna Lindsay (m. 1939-1968); Franà §oise Gilot (m. 1970)Children:  Peter, Darrell, and JonathanFamous Quote: â€Å"I feel that the greatest reward for doing is the opportunity to do more.† Early Life and Education Born in New York City to European immigrants Daniel and Dora Salk on October 28, 1914, Jonas resided in the New York Boroughs of the Bronx and Queens with his parents and  his two younger brothers, Herman and Lee. Though they were poor, Salk’s parents stressed the importance of education to their sons. At age 13, Salk entered Townsend Harris High School, a public school for intellectually gifted students. After completing high school in just three years, Salk attended the City College of New York (CCNY), earning a Bachelor of Science degree in chemistry in 1934. After earning his M.D. from New York University in 1939, Salk served a two-year medical internship at New York City’s Mount Sinai Hospital. As a result of his efforts at Mount Sinai, Salk was awarded a fellowship to the University of Michigan, where he studied alongside renowned epidemiologist Dr. Thomas Francis Jr., in an attempt to develop a vaccine for the flu virus. Personal and Family Life Salk married social worker Donna Lindsay on the day after he graduated from medical school in 1939. Before divorcing in 1968, the couple had three sons: Peter, Darrell, and Jonathan. In 1970, Salk married Franà §oise Gilot, a French painter and former romantic partner of Pablo Picasso. Development of the Salk Polio Vaccine In 1947, Salk was named head of the University of Pittsburgh’s Virus Research Lab, where he began his history-making research on polio. In 1948, with added funding from President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis—now called the March of Dimes—Salk expanded his laboratory and research team. By 1951, Salk had identified three distinct strains of the polio virus and had developed a vaccine he believed would prevent the disease. Known as a â€Å"killed virus,† the vaccine utilized laboratory-grown live polio viruses that had been made chemically incapable of reproducing. Once in the patient’s bloodstream, the vaccine’s benign polio virus tricked the immune system into producing disease-fighting antibodies without the risk of exposing healthy patients to live polio virus. Salk’s use of â€Å"killed virus† was looked at skeptically by most virologists at the time, especially Dr. Albert Sabin, who believed that only live viruses could be effective in vaccines.   Testing and Approval After preliminary tests on laboratory animals proved successful, Salk began testing his polio vaccine on children on July 2, 1952. In one of the largest medical tests in history, nearly 2 million young â€Å"polio pioneers† were injected with the vaccine over the next two years. In 1953, Salk tested the still-experimental vaccine on  himself and his wife and sons.  Ã‚   On April 12, 1955, the Salk polio vaccine was declared safe and effective. The headlines screamed, â€Å"Polio is Conquered!† as celebrations erupted across the nation. Suddenly a national hero, the 40-year-old Salk was given a special presidential citation by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in a White House ceremony. A tearful Eisenhower told the young researcher, â€Å"I have no words to thank you. I am very, very happy.† Impact of the Salk Vaccine The Salk vaccine had an immediate  impact. In 1952, the College of Physicians of Philadelphia had reported more than 57,000 cases of polio in the United States. By 1962, that number had fallen to less than one thousand. Salk’s vaccine would soon be replaced by Albert Sabin’s live virus vaccine because it was less expensive to produce and could be administered orally rather than by injection. On the day his vaccine was declared â€Å"safe, effective and potent,† Salk was interviewed by legendary television news anchor Edward R. Murrow. When asked who owned the patent, Salk replied, â€Å"Well, the people, I would say,† referring to the millions of dollars for research and testing raised by the March of Dimes campaign. He added, â€Å"There is no patent. Could you patent the sun?† Philosophical Views Jonas Salk subscribed to his own unique philosophy he called â€Å"biophilosophy.† Salk described biophilosophy as a â€Å"biological, evolutionary point of view to philosophical, cultural, social and psychological problems.† He wrote several books on the topic of biophilosophy throughout his lifetime. In a 1980 interview by the New York Times, Salk shared his thoughts on biophilosophy and how drastic changes in the human population would bring new innovative ways of thinking about human nature and medicine. â€Å"I think of biological knowledge as providing useful analogies for understanding human nature,† he said. â€Å"People think of biology in terms of such practical matters as drugs, but its contribution to knowledge about living systems and ourselves will in the future be equally important.† Honors and Awards Defeating polio brought Salk a raft of honors from politicians, colleges, hospitals, and public health organizations. A few of the most notable of these include: 1955: awarded a special presidential citation from U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower.1955: given the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania’s Meritorious Service Medal.1958: elected to the Polio Hall of Fame, a part of the Roosevelt Warm Springs Institute for Rehabilitation in Warm Springs, Georgia.1975: awarded the Congressional Gold Medal.1976: awarded the Academy of Achievements Golden Plate Award.1977: given the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Jimmy Carter.2012: in honor of Salk’s birthday, October 24 was designated â€Å"World Polio Day.† In addition, several noted universities and medical colleges offer scholarships in Salk’s memory. Later Years and Legacy In 1963, Salk established and directed his own medical research organization, the Salk Institute for Biological Studies, where he and his team sought cures for diseases including cancer, multiple sclerosis, and diabetes. After being named the institute’s founding director in 1975, Salk would continue to study AIDS, HIV, Alzheimer’s, and aging until his death. Salk died of heart disease at age 80 on June 23, 1995, at his home in La Jolla, California. While he will always be remembered as the man who stopped polio, Salk contributed to other advances in the fields of medicine, biology, philosophy, and even architecture. As a staunch advocate for the practical, rather than the theoretical, use of scientific research, Salk was responsible for several advances in vaccinology—the creation of vaccines for the treatment of human and animal diseases. In addition, Salk’s unique â€Å"biophilosophical† view of human life and society led him to create the field of psychoneuroimmunology—the study of the effect of the mind on health and resistance to disease. Sources .†About Jonas Salk – Salk Institute for Biological Studiesâ€Å" Salk Institute for Biological StudiesGlueck, Grace. Salk Studies Mans Future The New York Times, April 8, 1980Oshinsk, David. â€Å"‘s.†Jonas Salk: A Life,’ by Charlotte DeCroes Jacob New York Times book review, June 5, 2015.†A Science Odyssey: People and Discoveries: Salk produces polio vaccineâ€Å" PBS.org